Review article
The impacts of mining on livelihoods in the Andes: A critical overview

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.exis.2017.03.001Get rights and content

Highlights

  • Mining impacts Andean livelihoods via water quantity/quality, land tenure, & new jobs.

  • Future research should evaluate variations in impacts by gender, age, race, & class.

  • New work must consider distinctions between the impacts of multiple mining structures.

Abstract

This review article synthesizes research findings which demonstrate that mining in the Andes is transforming local livelihoods by changing water quality and quantity and land tenure practices upon which traditional livelihoods depend, as well as by generating new employment opportunities in mining communities. I argue that research on livelihood change in Andean mining communities would be enriched by 1) a deeper attendance to the gendered, raced, and classed nature of these changes and 2) the disaggregation of different mining management regimes (e.g. state-run, privately-run, cooperative-run) to allow for comparisons of the livelihood impacts between them.

Introduction

In October 2016, two protests just four days apart in separate mining communities in southern Peru resulted in violent clashes between police and protesters (Post, 2016a, Post, 2016b). Followed in December 2016 by violent confrontations in Ecuador (Ling, 2017), these protests are only the most recent and visible in a growing mobilization by local residents in opposition to increased mining activity in the Andes since the 1990s (Himley, 2012, Jenkins, 2015). One of the central claims made by protesters is that mining activities are negatively impacting local livelihoods. Specifically, recent protests have organized around the claim that pollution from mines and transport trucks kills livestock and reduces fertility of agricultural fields (Post, 2016a, Post, 2016b). The protesters’ fears are not unfounded, as a common feature of resource dependent countries is increased poverty and worsened living conditions for populations in close proximity to mines, despite growing national GDPs (Valdivia, 2011).

In this article, I synthesize a vibrant and rapidly growing body of research on the impacts of Andean mining on local livelihoods. This research demonstrates that Andean livelihoods are altered primarily by the effects of mines on: (1) water quality and quantity, (2) land tenure practices, and (3) shifting employment opportunities. Despite the vitality of work on the mining-livelihood change nexus in the Andes, I argue that this literature would be greatly enriched by further analysis in two key respects. First, only a few of the studies synthesized here attend to how livelihood changes are experienced differently within communities or households based on gender, race, or age. Second, the studies do not adequately address how different forms of mining present in the Andes – foreign-run, state-run, cooperative-run, and artisanal – may differentially impact livelihoods.

Attending to intra-community and intra-household social difference when examining livelihood change in Andean mining communities is important because of the potential vulnerability of specific groups to mining, based on age, race, or gender. For example, transnational mining corporations have been charged with nine human rights cases for violating women’s rights, including inflicting upon women forced labor, human trafficking, beatings, rapes, and gang rapes (Palmater, 2016). Women in the Andes are often exploited in small-scale artisanal mining camps as well, where they may be recruited to work in the camp and then forced to sell their virginity to pay for transportation and lodging costs (Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime, 2016). In these examples, the disproportionately negative impacts of mining activities on women and girls are attributable to acts of gender and sexual violence. However, I argue that the impacts of mines on local livelihoods in the Andes is also likely to be experienced differentially along gender lines given the role of gender hierarchies in shaping social life in the Andes (e.g. Andolina et al., 2009, Radcliffe, 2012a) and the gendered nature of livelihood change in mining communities in other regions (Jenkins, 2014). Racial hierarchies, as well as differences in class, age, religion, or marital status, may also produce differentiated livelihood impacts within communities or households impacted by mines (Perreault and Valdivia, 2010, White, 2013).

Beyond attending more closely to social difference, I argue that the mining-livelihood change literature synthesized in this article would also be greatly enriched by comparing the impacts of different types of mines on livelihoods. Increased attention to different forms of mining in the Andes is important because of the increasing prominence of state and cooperative mines in Bolivia and artisanal mines in Peru and Ecuador as compared to foreign-run operations (Achtenberg, 2016, Law, 2012). These commonly smaller-scale mines have the potential to produce different livelihood outcomes than larger-scale mines because, for example, they may source their workforce more locally, operate with less infrastructure and under less regulation, and have different environmental impacts. These potential differences demand critical comparison and analysis between the impacts of various mining forms, which the literature to date has not sufficiently addressed.

In this article, I first provide a brief overview of the geographical and historical context of mining in the Andean region. I then synthesize the current work on Andean mining-related livelihood change, demonstrating that local livelihoods are altered primarily by the impacts of mines on water quality and quantity, land tenure, and new employment opportunities. Finally, I argue that the mining-livelihood change literature would be enriched by (1) studies which explore how power relations and social hierarchies of gender, race, class, age, or religion shape and mediate mining-induced livelihood changes, leaving some people in more vulnerable and marginalized positions than others, and (2) research that disaggregates mining into its specific forms, such as foreign and/or privately-run, state-run, cooperative-run, or artisanal, to explore how each form differentially impacts local traditional livelihoods.

This article focuses specifically on Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador. Although neglected in this article, mining is also prevalent in the Andes of Colombia and Chile. I delimit the geographic extent of this analysis for two reasons. First, Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador followed relatively similar political-economic trajectories over the past several decades, implementing structural adjustment programs and allowing increased foreign investment in the 1990s following the 1980s debt crisis. In contrast, Chile’s political economy has been more closely tied to U.S. economists and neoliberal policies since the 1970s (Harvey, 2005), and Colombia’s political economy has been under greater U.S. influence under the premise of the war on drugs (Livingstone, 2004). Second, the majority of studies on changing livelihoods due to mining in the Andes has been conducted in Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador, where indigenous, campesino, and women’s protests over mining are highly visible (Jenkins, 2015).

Section snippets

Mining in the Andes

Mining has shaped the Andean region’s economic, political, and social relations since the colonial period. From the 16th–19th centuries, Europeans extracted minerals from Latin America to fund expansion, industrialization, and urban development in Europe. 136,000 metric tons of silver accounting for 80% of global silver production came from Latin America between 1550 and 1800 (Robbins, 2011). During the same time period, Europeans extracted an estimated 1,685 metric tons of gold and 50,000

Impacts of mining on livelihoods

At its most basic, a livelihood is “the means of gaining a living” (Chambers, 1995, vi). Livelihood studies examine the economic, social, and environmental conditions which together influence the ability for an individual or household to make a living. Livelihoods thus stand as an alternative to single-sector (e.g. wage income) assessments of poverty and development (Scoones, 2009). Using the livelihoods approach, researchers have shown how Andean mines frequently impact communities by

Attending to social difference

Although the literature on the mining-livelihood change nexus has given minimal attention to intra-community and intra-household power relations and social difference (excepting Li, 2009, Hinojosa, 2013), other bodies of research in the Andes have powerfully demonstrated that gendered, raced, and classed power dynamics shape the lived experiences of Andean people. In this section, I draw from literature on how gender, race, indigeneity, and age, among other social categorizations, shape

Attending to different forms of mining

As outlined in Section 2 of this article, mining in the Andes is not uniform. Rather mines are run under a variety of different ownership or operating structures. These consist of mines run by private, usually foreign companies, the state government, mining cooperatives, or individuals (artisanal). Many mines in the region are operated by partnerships between private companies and the state or between private companies and cooperatives. In Bolivia, small-scale cooperative mining employs the

Conclusion

In this article, I have sought to synthesize a robust body of literature examining the impacts of increasing mining activities on local livelihoods in the Andean countries of Bolivia, Peru, and Ecuador. The research summarized here considers the diverse assets individuals and households employ in various ways in order to make a living, both materially and meaningfully, and how access to those assets is mediated by a variety of political-economic relationships and institutions. In examining the

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank Ramzi Tubbeh, Megan Baumann, Eden Kinkaid, Andria Aguilar, and two anonymous reviewers for their feedback on early versions of this article. I would also like to express gratitude to my doctoral advisor, Lise Nelson, for the discussions, suggestions, and support that contributed significantly to the development of this article. Any errors or omissions are my own.

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